South America‘s poorest cousin
on the verge of collapse?
COMMENTARY BY
CLAUDIO CASTELLO A FREELANCE JOURNALIST
bOLIVIA,
This poorest country in the continent, that by the gap between rich
and poor as well
as by the number of analphabetic individuals exceeds all of its
neighbour, is
currently experiencing one of its worst constitutional crises ever.
President
Carlos Mesa announced his dismissal earlier this year, only two years
after his
predecessor found his way out of the presidential palace and into exile
in the U.S.
The current
situation has its roots in the long-lasting conflict between a big time
capital
and the country’s power elite on one hand, and the left-wing opposition
on the
other, over the rights to natural gas resources. The latter consists of
various
leftist activists, poor farmers, miners, students and natives, having
as a
common denominator their place of residence, the poor southern part of
the
country, area around the La Paz and high
Altiplano areas. This conflict gained momentum following the demands of
the
Northeastern self-rule movements. The lowlands hold most of the gas and
traditionally they have been a wealthier part of Bolivia.
The capital lies
in the rugged highlands of the Altiplano, where there aren’t so
many gas
resources. This is an area known for its rough clime, with extreme
temperature
changes as well as little precipitation. Here the air is thin, and a
lot of
people take coca-leaves to withstand the extreme demands of the
altitude. In
the Altiplano we find Bolivia‘s 75% strong
native population, who are divided into the Ketchwa and Aymara ethnic
groups.
The Bolivian natives own 10–15% of the land and its natural
resources, and the
residents of the Altiplano represent the lowest end of the social
scale. Their
living standard is generally lower than that of the white or Mestiso
Bolivians,
and they are also considerably less educated so that they risk stronger
official (and non-official) discrimination.
To
understand Bolivia‘s
current stand one
must go back in history. Ever since the
independence in 1825, when the so-called High Peru (Alto Peru) was
separated
from the rest of the Peruvian Viceroy’s province and created into a
sovereign
republic, Bolivia seems to be the
slowest pupil in the classroom. Bearing the name of liberator Simon
Bolivar, no
other country in the continent has had a more repressive power elite
towards
the natives, a worse gap between haves and have-nots, a higher
illiteracy or
higher number of military coups.
Throughout
the history there
have been some beacons of lights, like for
example Victor Paz Estenssoro, who came to power after a popular revolt
in
1952. His politics of nationalization made him very popular among the
working
class and in some sectors of the middle class. Even though Bolivia‘s living standard
improved somewhat remarkably during the first term of his presidency,
he still
faced several attacks from the right-wing opposition in his second
term. In the
early 60s his coalition started disintegrating from within. In an
effort to
please the centrist and rightist sectors, he confronted the far left
and lost
much of his grass root voters in the process. His regime that once
promised
equal rights for all Bolivians became inefficient and authoritarian,
and was
ousted in November of 1964 by the armed forces in a coup supported to a
high
extent by the CIA.
Leftist populism?
a
large number of the natives work in mining industries or they are farmers.
Very poor working conditions contributed to the growth of an Indian
movement
alongside other social progressive movements that in coalition defended
the
rights of the suppressed Bolivians. In this respect, the gas conflict
is the
tip of the iceberg. Many years of systematic abuse from the country’s
power
elite have led to the protests and violence of the latest decades.
Through this
process the establishment had to deal with the growth of an
«Indian/native» elite that is well-educated and more than able to
lead this somewhat «chaotic» social movement; the new elite which
uses tactics such as civil disobedience, house or factory occupations,
road
blocks as well as long-lasting strikes to achieve their political goals
in the
struggle against established Bolivia.
The
leading character of this huge popular movement is the highly
controversial Evo Morales. Originally he started speaking out and
defending the
rights of coca farmers, at a time when the central government in La Paz was under heavy
pressure from the Americans to crack down on their coca trail,
subsequently
banning all coca trade. The crackdown made life especially difficult
for poor Highland and Sierra
farmers, who’s main and sometimes the only income, depend on
coca.
In the course of a
few years the social movement has grown from anonymity to being a major
political power factor. This success can partly be given to Morales.
His
rhetoric of social equality strikes well with the Bolivian lower
classes; while
at the same time it plays well the Nationalist card. His latest
discourses have
held references to «Bolivia’s full rights to
its natural resources» as well as «the historical right to the
sea». In neighbouring Chile, his comments
have led to him being as near as possible to a status as «persona non
grata».
The way forward
eduardo
Rodriguez’ appointment may seem like a compromise solution, although
there are huge question whether he can deliver and satisfy every
political
sector. Bolivia‘s power elite
cannot see their interests well kept by appointing a more progressive
president
and government, that will be under pressure of leftist sectors to
defend the
country’s natural resources from the trans-national companies.
Rodriguez will
have to face the challenge of the «self-rulers» in the North East,
that has calm down for the time being, but which can and will blossom
again.
One thing worth
mentioning is the current state of non-belligerence of the Bolivian
armed
forces. Contrary to the old times, where the military would seize power
at the
least innuendo of crisis, today they are bystanders, they are not
taking action
unless situation gets out of hand. This is happening despite the great
social
unrest, demonstrations and almost alike civil war conditions in some
parts of
the country. Have the armed forces learned to separate public interest
from
their own political power motivations? If the answer is yes, then we
can
conclude that Bolivia‘s military is
also embarking on the same course of positive democratization as their
Argentinean, Brazilian and Chilean counterparts.
HUGE
ISSUES IN NEED OF RESOLVING ARE LAYING AHEAd for Rodriguez and
his administration. With no crisis in sight, he will have the time to
work on
re-establishing order in internal affairs as well as rebuilding a very
fragile
trust to the international community. The question is how long he will
last in
a country with a tradition of short-term presidencies. Not very much
has to go
wrong for his administration of «national unity and compromise»,
before the social-progressives on one side, and the right-winged
parties, now
stronger than ever and backed up by the north-easterners, take off
their silk
gloves. The consequence; yet another constitutional crisis that not
only will
prove destructive to the Bolivians, but one that will also have
negative
impacts in a continent that at the moment is in on the rise, both
economically
and politically.
