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G.O.: Is the
European Union a fiasco? If so, what went wrong? On the other hand
it is obvious that the EU has difficulties on several levels. One of
the
current problems is related to admitting new member states. For
strategic
reasons the strong powers want to include Another problem is
related to the attempt to have the new constitution “the Treaty
Establishing a
Constitution for Europe, 2004”, ratified by all member states.
The process was
stopped for awhile in 2004 when According to a
survey done by Le Figaro, 25% of the
French voters believe
that the constitution was too market- liberal, and that
market-liberalism was
beginning to suppress the social dimension. The treaty (particularly
part III)
confirms that EU exists as “the empire of unlimited
competition”, to use
Bourdieu’s words. Among the French
opposition, a similar percentage believed
that the
constitution was a threat to French identity. Just under of 20% (of
French
voters) confirmed the vague alternative that the project is not good
for Further, there
were reports about resistance within the former Soviet states, a
resistance
that increases as people see that EU is not flowing with milk and
honey, at
least not for the average people. They discover that an increase in a
BNP does
not need to lead to an increased prosperity for the masses. I hope and
believe
that the American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein has right when he
rights
that neo-liberalism is in decline in large parts of the world. Now more
than
ever we need cooperation across national borders. For my part, I am
putting my
faith in organisations such as the World Social Forum. G.O.: Are ideas behind the EU-
project just an attempt
to establish a power alternative to NORDBY: There are several
motives for a project that has existed for 50 years. One of the central
motives
has been creating, beside the Asian block, an economic balance to the A more convincing
explanation is the fact that capitalism promotes increasingly bigger
units. To
use a picturesque explanation, we are facing a giant-omani which
includes
everything from capital collections and production units to meet the
need of
the new market. The biggest possible EU can help insure all of this.
The danger
is that power blocks are starting to fight, as many think that
dinosaurs did. The EU does contribute
to building infrastructure and insuring peace, stability and juridical
order in
member states. Investors are placing the necessary capital in war
areas. In
this way the EU’s peace projects are a form for legitimating of
economic needs. In addition can
low cost countries like Finally, strategic
considerations need to be stressed. The G.O.: The number of Norwegians
who are against Norwegian
membership in the EU is increasing. Should we be worried about this
development? NORDBY: Let me first
specify the premise for your question. Following the referenda in the 1972 the division
was less one-sided, but over the years the division between the elite
and the
“people” has become sharper. I am actually impressed with
how well the people
are able to resist the pressure. Resistance is especially strong in the
rural areas,
something that probably has a lot to do with centralisation they had to
fight
against for a long time on the national level. You ask me if this
is something we should worry about! Of course not! I am by no means a
nationalist. Further, I want a society with broad popular
participation.
Democratic participation is a value in itself. Facing the possibility
of an EU
membership, the old saying that it is a longer way to G.O.: Which political motives
do we have for keeping
ourselves out? NORDBY: Again here we are
talking about several combined motives. As a common starting point we
can
conclude that consciousness about being rich with oil money makes it
easier to
remain outside of the EU. At least all those who like to dance around a
«golden calf» think so. This is in contrast to our poor
“cousins” who
for a long time saw prospects for rapid move to economic prosperity. – Another element is the
national identification (the
feeling of community). This identification, which must not be confused
with
nationalism, is still strong in Most of the EU
opponents are likely interested in defending their own income base:
agriculture
and fish – exactly as in 1972. This is legitimate – When we are thinking about
the cultural clashes within
the national context , the traditional diverse cultures have been
weakened
since the Second World War. A group of Christian extremists still read
the
Bible and see EU as the anti-Christ, but
they are not so numerous. Others are nationalists who believe that – I have pointed out a region
that I called a “Moped
belt” – because we here often meet simple people on mopeds.
According to Henry Valen the same
region is characterised by low centrality and high
unemployment and strong EU resentment in 1972. I add: a
flat social structure – without experience with the
historical
opposition between the Workers Class and Farmers Party. Look at for
example
Østerdalen in contrast to Hedmark regions. We can see the same
type EU
opposition from the south-eastern part of Østfold, further north
and in forest
areas along the Sweedish border, and down again to Sigdal. Often, the
mopedists
have backpacks full of Bayer bottles. We see the same pattern down
south, in
particular in Aust-Agder. Here religious tracts are substituted for the
beer
bottles. – Further we are facing
somewhat same fear of change
which we met under the wave of industrialisation before the First World
War. Or
maybe we should rather speak of the fear of the unknown. Maybe there is
a basic
measure of the lives of the single individuals. Norwegians should be
simple
people – as they always have been. In that case – if for no
other reason – can
this be an ideological base for Per Olaf Lundteigen’s message about
“a
different country”. –
Another influential group was, in the same way as in
1972, engaged in democracy and distance to where the decisions are
made. The
same group stressed that democracy functions best in small units (this
is my
own platform). Probably those who belonged to the “moped
belt” found a lot in
this democratic argumentation. We are familiar with elements from the
democratic movement until the 1905. Until 1905 there was a tight
symbiosis
between nationalism and the demand for more democracy in. At that time
the
honourable words “people’s rule” and “nation”
had a permanent position. The
wish for “peoples rule” remains strong in Norwegian
politics. G.O: More
precisely, how do you think that EU
violates the democratic traditions in NORDBY: I
won’t beat my breast and claim that our democracy is so unique that we
cannot
cooperate with anyone. Quite the contrary, today we are facing
problems,
connected to environmental questions for example, that can only be
solved
through cooperation across national borders – except that I can
see that the
EU, where the basic value is economy growth, is likely to damper the
crazy
profit chase. I 1984 I met an Eastern-German couple and their daughter
at a
camping place in DDR. They told me how they can watch TV-programs
broadcast
from the rich Western neighbours, and how they dreamt how their
daughter can
get over there, get a job at a hotel – so that she could get a
tip in Western
currency. What they dream about today, I do not know. National
parliaments will be, at best, investigative authorities.
‘Further, EU laws get
“precedence” as soon as the For my
part I have no doubts. The democracy we have inherited has too much
inherent
value to simply cast it overboard– just so that we could earn
even more money.
To break all cooperation with the EU is of course a completely
unrealistic
thought We nonetheless have to be able to go out of the undemocratic
EEC
agreement and negotiate our way to a new agreement – something we
lived with
nicely for many years. Copyright © 2007 Dictum.no
ISSN
1504-5307
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